Russian occupation authorities continue efforts to claim that they are resolving the water crisis, but so far have failed to demonstratively ameliorate water supply or sanitary conditions. The Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) administration has recently held several internal meetings to discuss water supply issues, and the Russian federal Ministry of Construction has also advised the DNR administration.[7] DNR Head Denis Pushilin announced on August 25 that his administration has installed over 80 new water tanks throughout the occupied oblast, bringing to total to over 1,000 water tanks—but the increase in number of water tanks does not address the issue of bacterial build-up in within the tanks or the fact that thousands of residents must wait in line for hours at a time to simply fill up a five-liter plastic bottle with water that is likely unsafe to drink or wash with. The Donetsk Oblast occupation administration is also struggling to maintain even minimal amounts of stable water supply to settlements and cities. The DNR Construction Ministry reported on August 26 that there were major water supply disruptions throughout the occupied oblast, including a complete cessation of water supply to occupied Yenakieve, Debaltseve, and Bunhe (Yunokomunarivsk) due to an unspecified “accident” on the main water pipeline to these areas.[8]

Head of the Donetsk People’s Republic Pushilin has consistently approached the water crisis by deflecting blame onto Ukraine, despite the fact that it is his administration’s legal responsibility to provide for the health and well-being of the population they have occupied. Pushilin hosted a “Direct Line” on August 19, wherein he took telephone questions from residents of occupied Donetsk Oblast.[9] During the Direct Line, Pushilin claimed that the Donetsk Oblast occupation administration is ready to restore the Siversky-Donets Donbas canal (which Russian forces have destroyed since 2022) and completed all preparations to do so, but that work to restore water supply will only be completed “immediately after the liberation of Slovyansk.”[10] Slovyansk is a major fortified city in the north of the Ukrainian-controlled “fortress belt” that is over 20 kilometers from the closest point of Russian advance in Donetsk Oblast. ISW has frequently assessed that a Russian campaign to seize the settlements along the fortress belt, including Slovyansk (the northern-most fortress belt settlement), would constitute a multi-year Russian effort.[11] Pushilin’s suggestion that his administration can only fully restore water supply via the Siversky-Donets Donbas canal is unreasonable, irresponsible, and a rhetorical justification for Russian forces to continue attacking and occupying Ukrainian territory.[12] Pushilin’s statement also continues to place blame on Ukraine for creating the water crisis, despite ample evidence that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine severely damaged water infrastructure and that Russian mismanagement and corruption have exacerbated basic supply issues.[13] Some Russian sources, including prominent milbloggers, are beginning to question Pushilin’s motivations and place the blame for the water crisis on him and his administration’s poor management.[14]

Russia is deepening its institutional infiltration of the school system in occupied Ukraine in the lead-up to the new academic year. The Russian Ministry of Education announced plans on August 19 to begin testing the “Conversations about the Important” program in kindergartens in Russia and occupied Ukraine on September 1—the first day of the school year.[15] The Russian Ministry of Education specifically selected occupied Donetsk, Luhansk, and Zaporizhia oblasts to test the program, which is intended for children aged three to seven and seeks to teach children “moral qualities” and a “knowledge of history, respect for Russian culture, and love for the Motherland.”[16] Russian President Vladimir Putin recently approved the extension of the pre-existing “Conversations about the Important” program to kindergarten-aged children on the basis that “at five years old, a child is already capable of understanding how to love the Motherland.”[17] Russia appears to be expanding the program to shape the worldview of even the youngest schoolchildren in occupied Ukraine in order to instill in them pro-Russian patriotic ideals. Exiled Russian pedagogue Dima Zicer classified “Conversations about the Important” as early indoctrination and an example of “how ideology and propaganda parasitize on children.”[18]

The Russian Ministry of Education has taken additional steps to concretize Russian control over the school system in occupied Ukraine. Kremlin newswire TASS reported on August 24 that it reviewed a list from the Russian Education Ministry of 17 subjects that will be compulsory subjects for the 2026/2027 school year.[19] Given the official forced integration of the school system in occupied Ukraine with the Russian school system, these subjects will also be mandatory in occupied Ukraine.[20] The list of subjects notably includes, for the first time, a course on “labor,” “fundamentals of security and protection of the Motherland,” “physical education,” and “spiritual and moral culture of Russia.”[21] These courses are likely intended to spread pro-Russian military-patriotic ideals amongst schoolchildren in occupied Ukraine, and will teach Ukrainian children the Kremlin-sanctioned version of history while ignoring or villainizing Ukraine’s historical and cultural heritage. Russia frequently uses “physical education” courses to teach children the basics of military tactics, and the “labor” course has a specific technology focus—suggesting that Russia may use this course to teach children about the development and production of technologies that may have military uses.[22] Similar drone technology courses already exist for children in Russia and occupied Ukraine.[23] The new courses also include a provision on “native language” instruction, stating that children may only learn a native language only on the request of their parents. This new provision echoes previous Ukrainian-language education restrictions that have existed in occupied areas of Ukraine since 2014 — Russia presents parents with the semblance of choice but will use the choice to enroll children in Ukrainian-language courses as evidence of anti-Russian activity, for which parents are likely to be persecuted.[24]

The Russian Ministry of Education is also increasing its direct oversight of schools in occupied Ukraine in a way that is likely to endanger children and families, using occupied Luhansk Oblast as a testing ground. Russian Education Minister Sergei Kravtsov stated on August 26 that his ministry is planning to finalize a behavioral assessment model for schools by the end of the year.[25] Kravtsov identified occupied Luhansk Oblast and several Russian regions as areas that will host pilot programs to test the behavioral assessment model. The assessment model will involve grading children on their perceived behavior in schools and will likely require teachers or external observers to monitor children’s behavior in order to evaluate it according to Russian standards. The guidelines of such behavioral assessments remain unclear, but Russian occupation authorities are likely to use this program in part to more closely monitor schools for observed pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian behavior amongst schoolchildren. The Ukrainian human rights center Zmina warned on August 25 that the behavioral assessment program will increase Russia’s control over Ukrainian schoolchildren and encourage teachers to inform on students who are not adhering to the Russian-imposed educational guidelines or curricula.[26]

Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian children will be attending schools throughout occupied Ukraine starting on September 1—highlighting the scale of impact that these various Russian programs will have on Ukrainian children.[27] Russia’s goals in occupied Ukraine are multigenerational, and its consolidation of control over the school system sets conditions to indoctrinate children as young as three to essentially mold them into the next generation of Russians.[28]

Russia continues to passportize the elderly, the disabled, and the youth in occupied Ukraine. Russian Social Fund representative in occupied Kherson Oblast Lyudmila Malaya stated on August 25 that pensioners and disabled individuals will stop receiving social payments if they retain Ukrainian-issued documents by January 1, 2026.[29] Pensioners and disabled individuals will need to go to a medical provider (like one who is sanctioned by the occupation administration) for an examination and then send medical records to the occupation administration in order to receive Russian documents, including a Russian passport. The Kherson Oblast occupation administration is essentially cutting off critical pension and disability payments from vulnerable individuals in order to coerce them to obtain Russian passports. ISW and organizations such as Physicians for Human Rights have reported at length on similar instances of Russian occupation administrators withholding medical care or basic social services to coerce passportization.[30] Russian occupation authorities also used the August 22 Russian Flag Day holiday to passportize youth in occupied Crimea and Kherson Oblast.[31] The DNR Ministry of Internal Affairs held a passportization ceremony on August 26 for Ukrainian youth in occupied Volnovakha.[32] ISW has reported on previous instances of Russian authorities using Russian holidays to passportize Ukrainian teenagers who have recently turned 14.[33]